Health

The census records for Amlwch in the 19th century identify a structured healthcare system consisting of specialized medical professionals, local pharmaceutical services, and institutional facilities for the sick and elderly.The town maintained a consistent presence of highly trained medical staff throughout the century.

Early and Mid-Century: In 1841, James Roose (45) resided at 1 School Lane and Robert Roose (35) lived on Methuselum Street, both identified as surgeons. By 1851, the surgical community included Hugh Beaser Davies (31) and Thomas D. Griffith (34).

Late-Century Specialization: The 1861 census lists Thomas Hughes (27) as a surgeon on Petter’s Street and Richard Parry (45) as a surgeon residing at the Scientific Hall. By 1891, the community was served by John Anwyl (27) and Griffiths G. Jones (30), both identified as Physicians and Surgeons. Additionally, Lewis Thomas (33) is recorded in 1881 as a General Practitioner with a degree from the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh.

A significant number of residents were engaged in the preparation and sale of medicine, often operating from central commercial hubs.

In 1841, several individuals were identified as druggists or chemists, including Griffith Williams at Market Place, Robert RichardJohn JonesPeter Webster, and William Hughes

In 1881 and 1891, Griffith WilliamsDavid EdwardsJohn Roose, and Owen Roberts were prominent Chemists and Druggists on Machine and Mona Streets.

As the town grew, formal institutions were established to handle acute illnesses and the needs of the destitute.

Dinorben Cottage Hospital: By 1881, the Dinorben Cottage Hospital was operational, managed by William Roose (Public Weigher) and Elizabeth Roose, who served as the Matron. The hospital continued to be listed as a specific residence in 1891

The Union Workhouse: This facility provided care for those who could not support themselves, including the “infirm” and the elderly. In 1881, it was managed by Meshach Thomas and Grace Thomas (Master and Matron), and by 1891, George White served as the manage

The Relieving Officer, a role held by John Roberts for several decades, was responsible for managing parish aid and overseeing the local poor.The 1780 terrier lists numerous bequests left to the “use of the Poor” of the parish, including funds from Eleanor Kynnier, Owen Rowlands, and several others. In addition the parish was entitled to send one poor man to the almshouse at Bangor under the will of Bishop Rowlands.

Community-based care was largely provided by women, often recorded with specific titles in the census.

Midwives: Women like Margaret Griffith (1851), Catherine Owens (1851), Catherine Owen (1861), Jane Williams (1881), and Margaret Davies (1891) were formally identified as midwives.

Nurses: General nursing was provided by residents such as Margaret Ellis (1841), Mary Hughes (1881), Elizabeth Thomas (1881), and Mary Robinson (1881). The 1881 census specifically identifies Elizabeth Thomas as a “Nurse (S M S)”


The sources identify Fynnon Elaeth, an ancient well that was historically renowned for its medicinal properties. It was held in “high estimation for the efficacy of its waters in the cure of various diseases” and, as of 1849, was still considered somewhat reputable. Additionally, by the mid-19th century, the town was noted for being “provided with excellent water from various springs in the neighbourhood,” which contributed to the welfare of its growing population

The intensive copper mining and smelting processes created significant health and environmental challenges:

Prior to 1784, ore was calcined in open kilns. The resulting sulphurous vapour was described as shedding a “malignant influence on the soil,” turning hundreds of acres into barren waste between the mountain and the sea. This issue was mitigated after the implementation of condensation chambers, which captured the fumes for sulphuric acid production


The Mona Mine manuscripts contain a number of references to Miner’s widows appealing to the Marquis of Anglesey for a small pension following the death of a husband in the Mona Mine. In some cases, individual appeal letters were written with some additional information being noted by agents in the mine. There are a number of widows in the lists of pensions being paid up to about 1820.

In 1821 the miners elected Dr Roose as the Doctor under which they would receive treatment for injuries sustained at the mines. To cover the cost 2d per week was retained from their wages. However, by 1831 up to three doctors where treating the miners. Those people who were injured outside the mines had to depend on the doctors available at the poor union

In February 1831 Sanderson visited the mines and wrote a letter to Treweek complaining of the ” Reprehensible inattention towards sick and hurt miners on the part of three medical attendants. Want of experience and surgical skills is imputed of one of them leading to want of confidence in him by his patients. In the other whatever skills, he possesses he is utterly unable to exercise from habitual drunkenness. The third, and only other medical man, is in the predicament of the second. Seldom sober but fortunately skilful when not drunk. Miners are taxed, well or ill to pay Mr Williams and Mr Roose for general attendance. Mona Mine agents must ensure that Medical aid is available ” ( MMS 2655)

Later in 1831 a Dr Webster , the son of the assay agent arrived in Amlwch and miners were allowed to attend him in a case of accident while still being “taxed” for medical attention.
It was in 1831 that Cholera came to Amlwch a Local Health Board was established to supervise the cleaning of the putrid streets, lime wash the miners houses and collect clothes for the poor.
From 1845 onwards the miners were free to choose their own doctor with the cost being paid for by the company. In the early parts of the 19th Century Lord Anglesey paid for some injured mines to go to hospitals in Liverpool, Bangor or Chester. (MMS 998)

In the first part of the 19th century many older miners, who had given 30 or 40 year service to the mines also appealed for a pension because of disability many caused by accidents in the mine.

Around 1860 there seems to have been a sudden increase in this sort of appeal as a policy of retiring older miners and bring in younger fitter men seems to have been started. This left some older miners with no other means of support than to appeal for pensions.

From the lists of death and injuries at the mine it can been seen that losing your sight from an exploding gunpowder charge was always a problem. Fracture and broken limbs often lead to disability later in life. The other common accident seems to be a rupture Many of the older and infirm miners were set to work in the precipitation pits. This work seemed to be a sort of “light duty” for injured or frail workers. Some of the men in this area were still working aged 70 after given up to 65 years’ service to the mines. This is in contrast to copper miners in Cornwall of the same time who rarely survived beyond 40 years of age.

In 1863 the average wage of a miner was 14/- (70p) per week, Dr Thomas Hughes of the Parys Company and Dr Richard Lewis Parry of the Mona company gave testimony before the Royal Commission on mines, that it was necessary to wait between an hour and two hours after a blast so that the cordite fumes might have time to clear. They also testified that many suffered from Tuberculosis and Silicosis because they were mining through seams of Silica Quartz to reach the copper rock. One of the greatest dangers of the work was breathing in the fumes of the sulphuric acid from the burning ore piles on the mountain and many suffered from rheumatic fever. Some practised their own medicine, such as taking and ounce of gunpowder in a pint of spiced beer for the relief of rheumatic fever. Other miners also suffered from dyspepsia because they drank too much tea or coffee. both doctors started that the miners of Parys mountain looked about 15 years older than men who worked on the land.

In 1872 the Dinoben cottage hospital was opened at a cost of £600. Much of this cost was paid for by Lady Dinorben of Llys Dulas. The new hospital allowed the local surgeons to operate in a much healthier atmosphere. However it was closed by 1893.

Lady Gertrude Dinorben (née Gertrude Hughes, later Gertrude Lewis Hughes) was the dowager Lady Dinorben of the Llys Dulas estate in northeast Anglesey. She was the second wife and widow of William Lewis Hughes, 1st Baron Dinorben—a Welsh mine owner, philanthropist and politician whose family owned extensive copper mining interests including Parys Mountain

These efforts fit with broader Victorian patterns in which wealthy landowners acted as patrons of churches, hospitals, schools and other “improving” projects in their communities.

An “Isolation hospital” was also opened a few year latter at Llam carw. In 1902 a number of suspected Small pox cases were sent to the hospital. The “Anglesey Isolation Hospital Rules” were published in Jan 1925 (WCC/102). These state that the hospital was only to be used for the treatment of Infectious diseases such as Scarlet fever, Typhoid fever, Typhus fever, Diptheria, Puerperal fever and Erysipelias.

Patients in this hospital were under the care of a “Sister in Charge” and could not leave until authorised by a Doctor. Other rules for the Sister included:-

a) She shall not under any circumstances allow a friend to see a patient other than through a closed window of a ward.
b) She shall see that no friend of a patient dangerously ill should enter a ward without first putting on a mackintosh.
c) Patients may only be visited between 2 and 4pm on Wednesday and Sunday. Maximum allowable stay was 10 minutes.
d) Visitors must be disinfected as described by the sister in charge.
e) Scale of charges : income < £100 pa Free, £100-150 pa 5/- per week. . £250 pa 15/- per week.